Chapter 1:
Government and Politics:
Act of Union (1801): This act abolished the Dublin-based Parliament and brought Ireland under direct rule by the British Government in London. Ireland was represented in the British Parliament at Westminster by 105 MPs in the House of Commons and 28 Irish noblemen in the House of Lords. The Act also brought about economic integration, establishing free trade and a common currency between Great Britain and Ireland.
Key Irish-based Officials: Despite direct rule from Westminster, several officials managed Irish affairs:
Viceroy (Lord Lieutenant): Represented the British monarch, lived in the Viceregal Lodge (now Áras an Uachtaráin), and performed ceremonial duties.
Chief Secretary: A member of the British Government in charge of Irish affairs, he implemented policies from Dublin Castle and answered questions in Westminster.
Under-Secretary: A permanent civil servant responsible for government departments in Dublin Castle, unlike the Chief Secretary, he was not a politician.
Law and Order:
Maintenance of Control: The British Government stationed large numbers of soldiers in army garrisons across Ireland to maintain control. Many Irishmen served in the British Army both at home and abroad.
Policing: Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC): This police force handled everyday law and order, reported suspicious activity to Dublin Castle, and were often unpopular due to their role in defeating rebellions and assisting evictions. RIC members carried guns.
Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP): Dublin city had its own unarmed police force, the DMP.
Courts:
Magistrates: Unpaid judges, usually landlords, who dealt with minor offenses at a local level, such as poteen making, petty theft, drunkenness, and fighting.
Assizes: Courts presided over by traveling judges for more serious offenses like murder.
High Court: The most important court, located in Dublin, which handled serious cases.
Political Divisions in Ireland:
Nationalism vs. Unionism: Nineteenth-century Ireland was characterized by these two main political traditions, stemming from opposing views on the Act of Union.
Nationalism: Desired varying degrees of independence from Britain.
Constitutional Nationalism: Advocated for the abolition of the Act of Union and the establishment of an Irish Parliament with limited self-government, remaining within the British Empire. They sought to achieve this through peaceful parliamentary means. Daniel O'Connell was a key leader, paving the way for the Home Rule movement, which became the most powerful expression of constitutional nationalism under Charles Stewart Parnell.
Republican Tradition (Physical-Force Nationalism): Sought complete separation from Britain and an Irish republic through armed uprising. This tradition included movements like Wolfe Tone's United Irishmen (1798), Robert Emmet's rebellion (1803), Young Ireland (1848), and the Fenians (Irish Republican Brotherhood or IRB), who planned the 1916 Easter Rising.
Unionism: Fully supported maintaining the Union with Britain, believing their interests were best served by direct British rule. Most unionists were Protestants, primarily concentrated in north-east Ulster. They organized more effectively from the 1880s onward in response to the growing threat of Irish nationalism and the Home Rule movement.
Economy and Society:
Population Decline: The Great Famine (1845-9) led to a sustained population decline due to deaths, falling marriage and birth rates, and continued emigration, contrasting with rising populations in other European countries.
Agrarian Society: The majority of Irish people lived in rural areas and depended on farming, making land a central issue.
Landlord Class: In 1870, around 4,000 landlords, mostly Anglo-Irish Protestants, owned the land. Some lived on their estates, while absentee landlords relied on agents. This class experienced a dramatic decline in numbers and influence between 1870 and 1922.
Tenant Farmers: Rented holdings from landlords. Most were "tenants-at-will" without written agreements. Prosperity varied, with large farmers employing laborers and small farmers struggling on poor land. The average family farm was around thirty acres by 1870, typically passed to the eldest son to keep it intact. There was a shift from tillage to pasture farming, leading to a decrease in agricultural laborers.
Landlord-Tenant Relations: The Famine initially led to a fall in tenant farmers and mass evictions. While a prosperous period (mid-1850s to mid-1870s) saw fewer rent increases and evictions , conflict over rents and evictions became acute during the agricultural depression from the late 1870s. By 1914, most farmers owned their land, and the landlord class was nearly eliminated.
Industry: Ireland remained largely agricultural, unlike industrializing Britain and Western Europe. North-east Ulster was the only industrialized area.
Lack of Industrial Development: Attributed to scarcity of raw materials (coal, iron), inadequate capital investment, declining population, and competition from cheap British imports. Smaller traditional industries like furniture, pottery, shoes, and leather declined.
Successful Industries: Brewing, distilling, and milling were notable exceptions.
Industrialization of Belfast and North-East: This area had a long tradition of textile (linen, cotton) manufacture, which converted to factory production. Factors contributing to its success included available labor, investment, and proximity to British raw materials and markets. Textiles, engineering, and shipbuilding (e.g., Harland and Wolff, builders of the Titanic) were major industries.
Urban Development
Urbanization mirrored industrialization, with people migrating from the countryside to factories.
Dublin and Belfast grew substantially between 1870 and 1914, while smaller cities like Cork, Limerick, and Galway stagnated. Belfast experienced immense growth and was for a time the largest city in Ireland.
Dublin's population growth was primarily due to government and business employment rather than industrial development, with brewing (Guinness) being a main industry.
Unskilled laborers in Dublin lived in overcrowded city-center tenements , while the middle classes and many Belfast workers enjoyed comfortable houses in growing suburbs or newly built terraced houses.
Unionization of unskilled workers, influenced by James Connolly and James Larkin, began around 1900 to seek higher wages and better conditions.
Religious Identity
In 1870, the main religious denominations were Roman Catholic, Anglican (Church of Ireland), and Presbyterian.
Roman Catholic Church: Over 77% of the population, predominantly in Munster, Leinster, and Connaught. In Ulster, Catholics comprised 50%. The Church grew in wealth and power under Cardinal Paul Cullen, with increased numbers of clergy and new churches, hospitals, and schools.
Church of Ireland (Anglican): The second-largest group, closely linked to the Church of England. It was the established state church until disestablished by William Gladstone's government in 1869. Most members were loyal to Queen Victoria and unionists, including most landlords and rich businessmen. They were known as the Protestant Ascendancy due to their dominant position.
Presbyterian Church: A stricter form of Protestantism, a minority in Leinster, Munster, and Connaught, but 26% of Ulster's population. Ulster Presbyterians, descendants of Scottish planters, were often hostile to the Catholic Church and strongly unionist.
The religious division between Catholics and Protestants was largely accompanied by a political division between nationalists (mostly Catholics) and unionists (mostly Protestants).
Education
Literacy: A significant increase in literacy occurred, from half the population in the Famine era to only 16% illiteracy by 1900.
Primary Education: The National School system (established 1831) was central to increasing literacy. Though intended to be non-denominational, most schools became religiously divided, controlled by local clergy.
Secondary Education: Received no state aid until 1878, charged fees, and was strictly divided by religion. Religious orders founded new schools, increasing Catholic participation.
University Education: Also marked by religious divisions.
Trinity College, Dublin (founded 1592): Oldest university, linked to the Church of Ireland, though Catholics and Presbyterians were admitted from 1793.
Queen's Colleges (Cork, Galway, Belfast, 1845): Established by the British Government for non-denominational education.
Catholic University (Dublin, 1854): Set up by Catholic bishops who condemned the Queen's Colleges, but was unsuccessful due to the government's refusal to recognize its degrees.
Improved education led to greater public involvement and political consciousness, influencing the struggle between unionists and nationalists leading up to World War I.
Culture
Decline of Irish Language: A significant cultural development was the dramatic decline in the use of the Irish language, associated with poverty. Many Irish-speaking parents encouraged their children to speak English for social advancement, a trend reinforced by emigration to English-speaking countries. Cultural movements like the Gaelic League emerged to counter this.
Developments in Sport: English games like soccer and rugby gained popularity. The Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) was founded in 1884 to promote native Irish games like hurling and Gaelic football, and both the GAA and Gaelic League played a prominent role in developing Irish nationalism.
Chapter 2:
I. The Political Landscape and the Home Rule Movement
Gladstone's Early Reforms (1868-1874): William Gladstone, British Prime Minister, aimed to pacify Ireland.
Disestablishment of the Church of Ireland (1869): Ended the Church of Ireland's status as the official state church, removing a key grievance of Catholics.
First Land Act (1870): Addressed tenant rights by granting some compensation for improvements and protecting against arbitrary evictions, though it had limitations.
Emergence of Home Rule (1870s):
Isaac Butt: Founded the Home Rule movement, advocating for an Irish parliament with control over domestic affairs while remaining part of the British Empire.
Home Rule Party: Formed in 1874 by Isaac Butt, replacing the Home Rule League, to represent Irish nationalist MPs in the House of Commons.
Charles Stewart Parnell (1875-1891): A prominent figure who transformed the Home Rule movement.
"Obstructionism": Parnell and his followers used parliamentary tactics to disrupt British parliamentary business, drawing attention to Irish issues.
"New Departure" (1879): An alliance between constitutional nationalists (led by Parnell), agrarian agitators (like Michael Davitt), and Fenians, aiming for land reform and self-government.
II. The Land War (1879-1882)
Causes: Agricultural depression, poor harvests, and widespread poverty led to increased evictions and tenant distress.
Land League (Founded 1879): Established by Michael Davitt and Charles Stewart Parnell, it campaigned for "Fair Rent, Fixity of Tenure, and Free Sale" (the "Three Fs").
Tactics: Included mass demonstrations, civil disobedience, and boycotting (a term originating from Captain Charles Boycott, a land agent in Mayo).
Ladies' Land League: Took over organizing the campaign when male leaders were imprisoned.
Gladstone's Second Land Act (1881): Granted the "Three Fs" to tenants and established Land Courts to determine fair rents.
Kilmainham Treaty (1882): An agreement between Parnell and Gladstone, leading to Parnell's release from prison in exchange for his cooperation in pacifying Ireland and some increased tenant rights.
Phoenix Park Murders (1882): The assassination of the Chief Secretary for Ireland and the Under-Secretary in Dublin by a Fenian splinter group (the Invincibles) shocked Anglo-Irish relations.
III. The Home Rule Crisis and Parnell's Fall
Irish National League (1882): Parnell founded this organization, succeeding the Land League, to prioritize Home Rule.
Plan of Campaign (1886-1891): A renewed agrarian agitation against rack-renting landlords, where tenants collectively withheld rents.
Home Rule Bills:
First Home Rule Bill (1886): Introduced by Gladstone, it was defeated in the House of Commons due to opposition from Conservatives and Liberal Unionists who feared the break-up of the United Kingdom and "Rome Rule."
Second Home Rule Bill (1893): Also introduced by Gladstone, it passed the Commons but was defeated in the House of Lords.
Parnell's Downfall (1890-1891):
Divorce Scandal: Parnell's affair with Katharine O'Shea led to a public divorce case, severely damaging his political standing.
Split in the Irish Parliamentary Party: Gladstone withdrew support, and the majority of Parnell's party, under Justin McCarthy, turned against him, leading to a bitter division. Parnell died in 1891.
IV. Unionism and Opposition to Home Rule
Unionist Resistance: A largely Protestant population, concentrated in north-east Ulster, fiercely opposed Home Rule, fearing economic decline, religious discrimination by a Catholic-dominated parliament, and a weakening of their British identity.
V. Economic and Social Changes
Land Acts (Late 19th - Early 20th Centuries): A series of acts, including the Ashbourne Act (1885), Balfour Act (1891), and Wyndham's Act (1903), facilitated tenant land purchase, ultimately leading to widespread land ownership by Irish farmers.
Congested Districts Board (1891): Established to alleviate poverty and improve living conditions in the poorer, overcrowded areas of western Ireland through land redistribution, infrastructure development, and promotion of local industries.
Local Government (Ireland) Act (1898): Revolutionized local administration by introducing democratic county councils, urban district councils, and rural district councils, effectively ending the landlord-dominated grand jury system.
Irish Agricultural Organisation Society (IAOS, 1894): Founded by Sir Horace Plunkett, it promoted agricultural cooperatives, improving farming methods and the economic well-being of rural communities.
VI. Cultural Revival
Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA, 1884): Founded to promote and preserve traditional Irish sports like hurling and Gaelic football, countering the influence of English games.
Gaelic League (1893): Established by Douglas Hyde and Eoin MacNeill to revive and promote the Irish language, music, dance, and literature, fostering a distinct Irish cultural identity.
Chapter 3:
I. The Land Question
The "Land Question" centered on the relationship between landlords and tenants in Ireland.
Landlord Dominance: In 1870, approximately 4,000 landlords owned most of the land in Ireland, determining rent levels and holding significant local influence, including serving as unpaid magistrates and on Grand Juries. Unlike English landlords, they generally did not invest much in improving their property.
Period of Prosperity (1852-1877): Irish agriculture experienced prosperity due to growing demand for food exports in Britain, leading to rising prices for Irish farmers and low eviction rates as tenants could afford rents.
Changing Times for Landlords: Landlords faced a worsening political climate. They resented Gladstone's disestablishment of the Church of Ireland (1869) and his First Land Act (1870). The Ballot Act of 1872 reduced their power to influence tenant votes. The Home Rule Party's success in 1874 further diminished landlord representation in Parliament, undermining their confidence. Tenants, having already gained concessions, were confident of further gains.
II. The Crisis of 1877-1880
Economic Decline: The period of agricultural prosperity ended in 1877, coinciding with the "Great Depression" in Britain (1873-1896), which led to sharp falls in prices for Irish agricultural exports and reduced demand for seasonal Irish laborers in Britain. Emigration to the USA also fell due to an economic depression there.
Increased Competition: Irish farmers faced competition from cheaper imports from countries like Denmark, Argentina, and the USA, enabled by refrigeration and modernized agriculture.
Disastrous Weather: Bad harvests from 1877 to 1879, especially affecting potato crops, severely impacted Irish farmers.
Threat of Starvation and Eviction: In Connaught, the crisis led to the threat of starvation and mass evictions if tenants couldn't pay rents. While short-term aid came from within Ireland and abroad , a long-term solution to the Land Question required leadership and organization.
III. Michael Davitt and the New Departure
Michael Davitt's Background: Born in 1846 in Co. Mayo, Davitt's family was evicted in 1852, leading them to relocate to England. He lost his right arm in a factory accident at age 11. He joined the Fenian movement in 1865, was imprisoned for treason in 1870, and released on parole in 1877. Shocked by tenant conditions in Mayo, he sought a solution to the Land Question.
The New Departure: Davitt met John Devoy, leader of the American Fenian movement Clan na Gael, in New York in 1878. They agreed on a "New Departure," advocating for land reform to be the primary objective of Irish nationalism, even before the struggle for independence. Although the Fenian leadership in Paris refused to support this tactical shift , Charles Stewart Parnell, a rising figure in the Home Rule movement, cautiously welcomed it. The "New Departure" involved cooperation between Fenian supporters of rebellion, constitutional nationalists in the Home Rule Party, and supporters of land system reform. The immediate aim was rent reduction and an end to evictions.
IV. The Foundation of the Land League
Mayo Protests: The impetus for a new tenants' movement came from Co. Mayo. In April 1879, James Daly organized a meeting at Irishtown, Co. Mayo, to protest rent increases, resulting in some rent reductions.
Parnell's Involvement: Parnell realized he needed to align with these protests to gain leadership of the Home Rule Party and popular support. On June 8, 1879, he joined Davitt in addressing Mayo tenant farmers, urging them to resist eviction and "keep a firm grip on your homesteads and lands".
Establishment of the National Land League: Following Parnell's influential speeches and the worsening economic crisis, Davitt established the Land League of Mayo in August 1879, and on October 21, the National Land League was founded in Dublin.
Aims of the Land League: Its objectives included ending rack-renting, evictions, and landlord oppression; achieving the "three Fs" (fair rent, fixity of tenure, freedom of sale); and establishing peasant proprietorship (tenants owning their land). Davitt agreed that Parnell should lead the movement, believing that parliamentary pressure combined with local agitation would be more effective.
Parnell's Fund-raising Tour: Parnell's tour of the United States after the Land League's foundation raised over £70,000 for famine relief and the League, further solidifying his position as a leader of Irish nationalism.
Political Agitation: The chapter defines political agitation as using methods outside of parliament, such as public meetings, demonstrations, and petitions, which, combined with parliamentary pressure, proved effective in Ireland between 1870 and 1914.
V. The Land War (1879-1882)
Increased Agrarian Violence: Despite the Land League's support for peaceful means, leaders could not control violent actions by extreme tenant farmers, including attacks on landlords, maiming cattle, and burning property, which were traditional methods of protest. Land-related crimes significantly increased between 1877 and 1881, amidst rising evictions.
Boycotting: Parnell introduced boycotting as an effective tactic. In a September 1880 speech, he urged tenants to shun those who took farms from which others had been evicted, essentially isolating them "as if he were a leper". Captain Charles Boycott became the first victim, facing social and economic ostracization. This tactic proved successful, forcing Boycott to leave Ireland and giving the Land League a significant moral victory.
British Government's Reaction: Gladstone, becoming Prime Minister again in 1880, prioritized Irish affairs. His approach combined maintaining law and order with land system reforms. Initially, he focused on restoring order through "coercion," implemented by Chief Secretary W.E. Forster. This involved suspending Parnell and other Irish MPs for obstruction in Parliament, changing House of Commons rules, and re-arresting Davitt. Parnell's decision to return to Parliament despite being urged to lead from Ireland highlighted his commitment to constitutional politics.
VI. Gladstone's Second Land Act (1881)
Provisions: Introduced on April 7, 1881, this act was a significant improvement on the 1870 act. It introduced the "Ulster Custom" (the three Fs: fair rent, fixity of tenure, freedom of sale) nationwide. It established a land court to set fair rents and a scheme for tenants to buy their farms if they could raise a quarter of the cost.
Impact and Flaws: Gladstone viewed this as a major concession aimed at ending the Land War, acknowledging it was a significant state interference in private property rights. The act introduced a form of "dual ownership". However, tenants found flaws: it excluded those with written agreements and offered no help to tenants in rent arrears.
Parnell's Dilemma and Strategy: The act deeply divided Parnell's supporters. Many MPs, Catholic clergy, better-off farmers, and shopkeepers supported it, hoping for peaceful conditions. However, poorer farmers in arrears and some extreme Home Rule MPs opposed it, as did the Fenians. Parnell faced a dilemma: supporting the act could alienate smaller farmers and crucial financial supporters among Irish exiles, while opposing it risked alienating moderates within his party.
Parnell's Arrest: Parnell chose a two-stage strategy: the Home Rule Party abstained from voting on the Land Bill, and the Land League convention decided to test individual cases in land courts. To appeal to more extreme elements, Parnell deliberately provoked his own arrest, along with other Land League leaders, in October 1881, knowing that his absence would fuel violent protests among smaller farmers.
VII. The Kilmainham Treaty (1882)
"No Rent" Manifesto: From Kilmainham Gaol, Land League leaders issued a "No Rent" manifesto, calling on all members to refuse rent payments until their release. The British Government responded by banning the Land League.
Negotiations and Release: The "No Rent" manifesto failed, as many better-off farmers rushed to land courts to get rents reduced. Parnell also desired a settlement to focus on Home Rule and to be with Katharine O'Shea, with whom he was having an affair and who had given birth to their child while he was imprisoned. Secret negotiations between Captain William O'Shea (representing Parnell) and Joseph Chamberlain (representing Gladstone) led to the Kilmainham Treaty, and Parnell was released on May 2, 1882.
Terms of the Treaty: Gladstone and the British Government agreed to: admit leaseholders to the benefits of the 1881 Land Act; assist tenants in arrears and admit them to land courts; and end coercion and release Land League prisoners. In return, Parnell promised to help restore law and order and cooperate with the Liberal Government in the British Parliament.
Turning Point: The Kilmainham Treaty was a major turning point for Parnell's career and the Land Question. After 1882, Parnell shifted his focus to Home Rule. The treaty extended the benefits of the 1881 Land Act, establishing fair rent and guaranteed security of tenure, effectively introducing dual ownership. However, tenants continued to aspire to full ownership of their farms.
Chapter 4
The Phoenix Park Murders and Their Impact (May 1882)
The Event: Shortly after Charles Stewart Parnell's release from Kilmainham Gaol, where he had been imprisoned following the Kilmainham Treaty, the new Chief Secretary for Ireland, Lord Frederick Cavendish, and the Under-Secretary, T.H. Burke, were murdered in Phoenix Park, Dublin. The perpetrators were the "Invincibles," an extreme secret society that had broken away from the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and had a long-standing intent to kill W.E. Forster (the previous Chief Secretary) and Burke.
Immediate Aftermath: The murders caused widespread shock across Great Britain and Ireland. Irish people in Britain faced severe anti-Irish sentiment. Parnell was deeply troubled, believing the incident would undermine his achievements, including the Kilmainham Treaty, and even offered his resignation to Gladstone. However, Gladstone advised him to stay, recognizing Parnell's influence could help restore calm.
Long-term Consequences: Ironically, the murders ultimately strengthened Parnell's position. The Fenians were discredited, leading many of their members to commit to the peaceful approach of the Home Rule Party. This event, along with the Kilmainham Treaty, is considered a crucial turning point in Parnell's political career, allowing him to shift his focus from the Land Question to Home Rule.
II. Revival of the Home Rule Party and the Irish National League (Post-1882)
Shift in Focus: With the Land League banned by the British Government, Gladstone inadvertently paved the way for a new organization. Despite Michael Davitt's preference for reviving the Land League, Parnell had other plans.
Irish National League: In October 1882, Parnell replaced the Land League with the Irish National League. Unlike the decentralized Land League, the new organization was centrally controlled by Parnell, and Fenian influence was largely eliminated. Its primary functions were to raise funds for the Home Rule Party and to support Parnell's chosen parliamentary candidates.
Increasing Catholic Church Involvement: As the Home Rule movement gained strength after 1882, the Catholic Church's involvement grew. While many Catholic bishops and priests had distanced themselves during the Land War, they became more active in the Home Rule Party with the return of peaceful conditions. Parish priests often chaired local branches of the Irish National League and presided over candidate selection. Archbishop Thomas Croke of Cashel was a strong supporter of Parnell, even contributing to the Parnell Testimonial Fund in 1883. Despite a secret British government complaint to Pope Leo XIII, more bishops began to support the Home Rule Party, which then campaigned for Catholic education in the British Parliament in 1884.
Double-edged Sword of Church Support: While the Church's involvement seemingly strengthened the Home Rule movement, it also posed risks for Parnell. Protestants across Ireland viewed the close ties between the Catholic Church and Home Rule with deep suspicion, believing the Catholic Church would wield significant influence in any Home Rule parliament. This further solidified Protestant unionist conviction against Home Rule. Parnell also risked future opposition from powerful Catholic clerics if a conflict arose.
III. Electoral Preparation and Party Discipline (1882-1885)
Parnell's Activities in England: Between 1882 and 1885, Parnell spent considerable time in England, successfully advocating for reforms such as the Labourers' Dwellings Act (providing cottages for landless laborers) and a Tramways Act (aiding rail network construction in western Ireland). During this time, his secret affair with Katharine O'Shea continued, and they had two children.
Building the Irish National League: Parnell's "lieutenants," including John Dillon, Timothy Harrington, William O'Brien, and Timothy Healy, spearheaded the expansion of the Irish National League in Ireland, which boasted over 1,000 branches by 1885.
Disciplined Party: Parnell established strict discipline within his parliamentary party. Candidates chosen for election had to take a pledge to vote as the party decided and to resign their seat if they failed to do so. This disciplined and united party greatly strengthened Parnell's negotiating position with the British Government and was crucial if he were to hold the balance of power between the two main British political parties in Parliament. The Home Rule MPs became known as the Irish Parliamentary Party.
Third Reform Act (1884): This electoral reform significantly increased the number of voters in Ireland from 220,000 to over 700,000. Most of these new voters were small farmers, likely to support Home Rule.
IV. The First Home Rule Bill (1886)
Gladstone's Belief: Gladstone believed that coercion had failed and that Home Rule was necessary to restore law and order in Ireland.
Provisions: On April 8, 1886, Gladstone introduced the First Home Rule Bill in the House of Commons. It proposed:
A two-house legislature in Dublin.
A directly elected lower house and an upper house consisting of lords and landowners.
The Viceroy as the nominal head of the executive.
Irish MPs and lords would no longer sit in the Westminster Parliament.
Ireland would pay one-fifteenth of overall imperial charges.
Westminster would retain control over foreign affairs, customs, and defense.
Parnell's Reaction and Opposition: Parnell generally welcomed the bill but sought modifications, such as a reduction in Ireland's imperial contribution. However, significant opposition emerged across Great Britain and Ireland due to the perceived threat to the Union.
Case Study: The Foundation and early years of the GAA
I. Foundation of the GAA
Michael Cusack: The GAA was founded on November 1, 1884, at Hayes Hotel in Thurles, Co. Tipperary, by Michael Cusack. Cusack was deeply concerned about the decline of traditional Gaelic games like hurling due to the increasing popularity and organization of British sports such as soccer and rugby in Ireland. He viewed this as a threat to Irish culture and had strong sympathies for the Fenian movement and the revival of the Irish language.
Aims: Cusack believed an Irish organization should control both field games and athletics, which at the time were governed by British groups often influenced by class distinctions that excluded ordinary workers. The GAA was established to save Gaelic games from extinction and to promote a distinct Irish cultural identity.
II. Early Years and Key Figures
Patronage: The GAA quickly gained prominent patrons:
Archbishop Thomas Croke of Cashel: A staunch nationalist, Croke became the first patron of the GAA. He wrote a famous letter in December 1884 condemning foreign games and supporting the GAA, which significantly boosted the organization's popularity among the Catholic population and contributed to the decline of British sports in nationalist areas.
Charles Stewart Parnell: The leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, Parnell also became a patron. His support added political weight and respectability to the GAA.
Michael Davitt: A prominent land reform activist, Davitt was the third patron.
Fenian Influence: Despite its public face, the GAA had a strong underlying Fenian influence. Michael Cusack himself sympathized with the Fenians, and Thomas Croke had previously shown support for them. Many early GAA organizers and members were active Fenians (members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood or IRB). The IRB saw the GAA as an opportunity to recruit young men for future rebellion and to train them in physical activities. This dual nature—public promotion of sport and covert Fenian activity—was a significant aspect of the GAA's early years.
III. The GAA and Politics
The Separatist and Nationalist Link: The GAA became inextricably linked with Irish nationalism and separatism. Members were often deeply nationalist, and the organization explicitly forbade its members from playing "foreign games."
Political Divisions: The political landscape of the late 1880s, particularly the split in the Irish Parliamentary Party over Charles Stewart Parnell's leadership, profoundly impacted the GAA.
Parnellism vs. Anti-Parnellism: Many GAA members, especially the Fenian element, sided with Parnell, who they saw as a strong, uncompromising nationalist. However, the Catholic Church largely turned against Parnell after his divorce scandal, and many anti-Parnellite GAA members were swayed by clerical opinion.
"Baton Convention" (1891): The conflict culminated in a tumultuous convention where opposing factions physically fought, leading to serious divisions within the organization. This split significantly weakened the GAA for over a decade.
IV. Revival and Growing Separatist Influence (After 1900)
Recovery: The GAA began to recover from its internal divisions after 1900.
Coincidence with Separatist Revival: This revival coincided with a resurgence of the IRB and other forms of cultural nationalism, such as the Gaelic League and the Abbey Theatre. Many individuals who later played key roles in the struggle for Irish independence (1916-1921) were active in the GAA during this period.
Croke Park: In 1913, the GAA acquired the grounds at Jones's Road in Dublin, which were later developed into Croke Park, the iconic stadium for Gaelic games.
Pre-World War I Status: By the outbreak of World War I in 1914, the GAA was well-established across Ireland, playing a significant role not only in promoting Gaelic sports but also in fostering Ireland's unique national identity and supporting the broader nationalist cause.
Chapter 7 and Case Study: Strike and Lockout:
Industrial Development in Ireland
Predominantly Agricultural Society: In 1870, Ireland was largely agricultural.
Reasons for Lack of Industrial Development: This was due to several factors:
Insufficient raw materials like coal and iron.
A population decline since the Famine.
Lack of entrepreneurial capital investment.
Competition from cheaper mass-produced imported goods.
Failure of small Irish industries to modernize.
Impact on Towns: Most Irish towns and villages depended heavily on agriculture, suffering during agricultural depressions.
Industrial Decline: Most of Ireland experienced industrial decline in the latter half of the 19th century, unlike other European countries.
Exceptions: Export-oriented industries like brewing (e.g., Arthur Guinness & Co.) and distilling (e.g., Jameson's) were exceptions, providing well-paid, secure, though not numerous, employment.
Dublin's Economy: Dublin was a center of trade and commerce with little industrial development. Most employment was casual, unskilled, and poorly paid. Provincial cities like Cork, Limerick, and Waterford were even less developed, centering their economic activity on ports and local agricultural markets.
II. Belfast - City of Industry
Contrasting Growth: Belfast and north-east Ulster experienced significant economic growth and prosperity, contrasting with the rest of Ireland. Belfast was a thriving industrial city by the late 19th century, similar to Manchester and Glasgow.
Factors in Belfast's Industrial Success:
Readily available imported coal and iron from Britain.
Migration of people into Belfast provided labor.
Entrepreneurs willing to invest capital.
Free trade with the rest of the United Kingdom facilitated material import and product export.
Industries adopted new technologies.
Major Industries:
Textile Industry (Linen): Based on a long tradition, linen was the main textile, employing over 60,000 workers in 1900. The shirt-making industry, centered in Derry, employed about 20,000 full-time workers, mostly poorly paid women. Textiles accounted for about one-third of all industrial workers.
Shipbuilding: A spectacular success, Belfast became one of the world's greatest shipbuilding centers between 1870 and 1914. Harland and Wolff, founded in 1853, adopted the latest technology, attracted outside capital, and won crucial contracts, including supplying luxury liners like the Titanic to the White Star Line. By 1914, Harland and Wolff employed over 12,000 workers, with another 3,000 at Workman, Clark & Co.. Shipbuilding's economic importance extended to ancillary engineering industries.
Worker Conditions in Ulster: Conditions in linen mills and shirt factories were harsh, with long hours, low wages, and health risks like tuberculosis due to damp, warm atmospheres and flax dust. However, compared to other parts of Ireland, many working-class families in Ulster felt fortunate to have multiple wage-earners.
Unionism's Argument: Belfast's industrial prosperity was a powerful argument for Unionists in their campaign against Home Rule, as they linked it to the economic benefits of the Act of Union. Despite this, north-east Ulster did not become the main focus of trade union activity.
III. Living and Working Conditions in Dublin
Deep Divisions: Dublin around 1900 was a city of deep divisions between rich and poor. Skilled workers enjoyed higher pay and more secure employment, often protected by British-based craft unions.
Unskilled Laborers: Unskilled workers were paid much lower wages than their English counterparts due to an oversupply of labor, allowing employers to hire and fire at will. Casual, day-by-day employment was common for general laborers like carters and dockers. Industrial employment for women and children was almost non-existent in Dublin.
Tenement Living: Most unskilled workers and their families lived in overcrowded, unsanitary one-room tenements, with wages barely covering rent and food. Death rates among infants and children were among the highest in Europe. In 1914, one-third of the city's population (over 20,000 families) lived in these conditions.
Unorganized Labor: Unlike skilled workers, Dublin's unskilled laborers were unorganized and unrepresented by trade unions.
IV. James Connolly and James Larkin
Organizing Unskilled Labor: James Connolly and James Larkin set about organizing Irish laborers for better working and living conditions.
- James Connolly (1868-1916):
Born in Edinburgh to poor Irish immigrants, he joined the British Army at 14.
Self-educated, he read widely on politics and economics and learned foreign languages.
His two main interests were Irish nationalism (belief in independence) and socialism.
Influenced by Karl Marx, he believed workers could not prosper under capitalism.
Returned to Dublin in 1896 to spread socialism, founding the Irish Socialist Republican Party (ISRP) in 1896, aiming for an independent socialist republic.
His newspaper, the Workers' Republic, was unsuccessful, and he gained few followers initially.
Emigrated to America in 1903 due to poverty, returning in 1910 as secretary of the Belfast branch of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union (ITGWU).
Organized a successful dockers' strike in Belfast (1911) and achieved better conditions for female linen mill workers. Returned to Dublin in 1913 with an enhanced reputation.
- James Larkin (1876-1947):
Born in Liverpool to Irish parents, he worked as a docker.
Gifted orator, he advanced in the trade union movement.
Sent to Belfast in 1907 as a leader for the British-based National Union of Dock Labourers.
Used the "sympathetic strike" tactic (workers not initially involved striking in sympathy).
Transferred to Dublin in 1908 due to his costly tactics in Belfast.
Faced a huge challenge in Dublin, where most workers were casual laborers and employers used blacklisting against organizers.
Despite this, he believed in organizing workers into trade unions.
After being suspended by the British-based Dockers' Union, he founded the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union (ITGWU) in 1908.
The ITGWU spread from Dublin and catered to both skilled and unskilled workers, unlike most British-based unions. It was openly socialist, reflecting Larkin's shared belief with Connolly that workers would be exploited under capitalism.
Both approved of syndicalism (workers organizing general strikes to collapse capitalism), which enemies used to label them as dangerous revolutionaries.
After initial difficulties and imprisonment in 1910, Larkin's fortunes improved with successful strikes in 1911.
In 1912, Connolly and Larkin co-founded the Irish Labour Party, believing a political struggle was vital for workers' representation in an upcoming Home Rule Parliament.
The ITGWU's membership grew from 4,000 in 1911 to over 10,000 by 1913, alarming employers.
V. William Martin Murphy and the Dublin Employers
Employers' Organization: In response to Larkin, Dublin employers formed the Dublin Employers' Association in 1911, led by William Martin Murphy.
William Martin Murphy: A highly successful Catholic businessman, Chairman of the Dublin United Tramway Company, owner of Clerys department store, Imperial Hotel, and controller of the Irish Independent newspaper. He opposed trade unions and regarded Larkin as a dangerous revolutionary.
Undertaking: In July 1913, Murphy presided over a meeting where 300 Dublin employers decided to force workers to sign an undertaking to resign from the ITGWU and not support it. Larkin responded by planning a general strike.
VI. The Dublin Lockout (1913)
Strike Commencement: The strike began on Tuesday, August 26, 1913, during Dublin's busy Horse Show Week. Approximately 700 out of 1,700 tram workers went on strike.
Employers' Response: Murphy and other employers responded immediately by locking out workers, involving about 20,000 workers and 300 employers.
"Bloody Sunday" (August 31, 1913): Larkin announced a public meeting on O'Connell Street. Disguised, he addressed the crowd from the Imperial Hotel balcony before being arrested. The police panicked, charged the crowd with batons, resulting in two deaths and hundreds of injuries.
Escalation of Dispute: The dispute became deeply entrenched, with 20,000 workers locked out. Larkin defended his actions.
Support for Workers: Help came from English trade unions and sympathizers like Countess Markievicz, who set up kitchens for starving workers. Many writers also supported the workers.
Employers' Defense: Employers, including Murphy, defended their stance, accusing Larkin of being a dangerous revolutionary and a menace to trade unionism.
Controversy over Sending Children to England: A proposal to send children of striking workers to England was highly controversial. Archbishop William Walsh of Dublin condemned it, fearing proselytism and that children would lose their Catholic faith. Connolly responded by emphasizing that workers' children would rather starve than be separated.
Irish Citizen Army: In November 1913, James Connolly set up the Irish Citizen Army (ICA) as a workers' defense group to protect workers from police clashes.
End of the Dispute: The dispute ended around January 1914. British trade unions could no longer support the strike. Larkin and other ITGWU leaders met, advising workers to return to work, but not to sign Murphy's document. Most workers drifted back to their jobs. Larkin left Ireland for America in October 1914.
Consequences: The return to work was a defeat for the workers and Larkin. However, the lockout highlighted the horrific living conditions in Dublin slums and instilled a spirit of self-respect in many followers. It fostered increased political consciousness and contributed to the rise of nationalism and republicanism in Ireland.